One time in the early ‘60s, when the train to Cincinnati was reduced to one passenger car, a mail car and an engine, I took a trip to the Queen City to see my Cubs play the Reds. I had a chance to see my hero, Ernie Banks up close as he was signing autographs before the game, and on the way back to the train station after the game I was offered a ride, and the guys who offered me the ride, in their taxi, were none other than the WGN broadcast crew of Jack Quinlan and Lou Boudreau. It was quite a day for young Cub fan from the sticks!
George Santos, ladies and gentlemen.
Actually my story is all true, but if you’d like to compare this story with someone who just makes stuff up and has been doing so for a much longer time than Rep. Santos you should cite President Biden.
Here’s a short list of some of the most outrageous:
https://tinyurl.com/mt3h87p4 Also, if you’d like some insight on the background of the Santos situation, you might like to read this WSJ op-ed by a friend of mine, Frank Scaturro, a leading scholar of U.S. Grant and of the Supreme Court’s retreat from Reconstruction:
The Political Machine That Made George Santos
In New York’s Nassau County, Republicans run for office when the GOP bosses say they can.
By Frank Scaturro
Feb. 1, 2023 6:49 pm ET
It is a real feat for a politician to shock the country with his perfidy, but Rep. George Santos has managed to do it. While the media peels back the layers of lies and misconduct along the New Yorker’s path to Congress, the local political system that made it possible has largely flown under the radar.
Nassau County, where most of Mr. Santos’s Third Congressional District is located, is home to perhaps the last remaining large Chicago-style political machine east of the Windy City, manned by armies of patronage workers in bloated municipal governments and lorded over by party bosses. But unlike in Chicago, this one is a Republican machine.
Mr. Santos faced no primary competition because Republican primaries in Nassau typically don’t happen—and when they do, they usually aren’t competitive. The chairman of the Nassau GOP has sole power to make candidate endorsements, and he is so preoccupied with what’s in it for him that he readily undercuts the interests of Republican voters. Prospective candidates who aren’t picked almost always make the sadly rational choice not to subject themselves to the buzzsaw of a rigged system.
I know this from personal experience. In 2009-10, I first ran for Congress in New York’s Fourth Congressional District, located entirely within Nassau County. I spent nearly a year building what was recognized as the only viable Republican campaign to unseat Democratic incumbent Rep. Carolyn McCarthy. While my fellow rank-and-file Republican committeemen and numerous elected officials greeted my candidacy with enthusiasm, I heard murmurings that the famously clannish bosses at the top didn’t view me as “inside” enough. Then-Nassau GOP Chairman Joe Mondello spent months looking for someone—anyone—to throw into the race with the purpose of beating me in a primary. Never mind that this would virtually guarantee a McCarthy victory. As Michael Barone wrote at the time, it appeared Mondello was “trying to boot an election in order to maintain his own personal power.”
When, at the 11th hour, the boss’s pick—a county legislator unprepared for the race—was announced, Republican committeemen were instructed that anyone supporting me should resign. Supporters who held municipal jobs or contracts ceased openly supporting me for fear of termination—and, on occasion, admitted as much to me.
Shortly before the primary, the organization’s leadership put the word out among members that I needed to be defeated to prevent other Republicans from emerging in future elections to run for any number of elective offices in Nassau County. Heaven forbid the bosses lose their control of nominations.
The machine ultimately beat me with a negative campaign based on a Santos-worthy fabrication: that I was a Democrat. As the bosses well knew, I was a lifelong conservative Republican and longtime GOP committeeman who labored for decades in my home township of North Hempstead, a Democratic stronghold, trying to elect Republicans.
I ran again in 2012 and 2014, and the bosses beat me in low-turnout primaries with the same combination of intimidation and lies—adding to the “Democrat” charge the flourish that I was an “ultra-liberal.”
Over the five years following my last campaign in 2014, top Republican officials in Nassau County were convicted of public corruption or fraud charges, including New York’s senate majority leader, the Nassau County executive and his chief deputy, the town supervisor of Oyster Bay, and a Hempstead town councilman who had long played a central role in county and town government.
Until the Santos story became a national media frenzy, Nassau’s Republican political machine thrived in the shadows. In the face of intense scrutiny, Mondello’s successor, Joseph Cairo, called for Mr. Santos’s resignation. If even a tiny fraction of the attention now given to Mr. Santos had exposed Nassau County’s endemic corruption from the beginning, Republican voters might never have been afflicted with booted races and felons in office—and, not coincidentally, some of the most expensive local government in the country.
The Third Congressional District was clearly winnable for Republicans in 2022. Its district lines had been redrawn favorably; in 2021, a backlash against Democratic misrule had triggered a local Republican electoral tsunami; and there was no incumbent in the race. Several candidates wanted to run for the seat, but Mr. Cairo did not pick them. What did Mr. Santos, who was not an insider of the kind customarily anointed by the party bosses for winnable races, have to offer? His biographical fabulism was primarily about his financial prowess. Most of the media are asking where his money came from, but just as important is where it went.
Mr. Santos was one of the top contributors to Nassau GOP entities, with political action committees tied to him and his sister donating $185,000 in 2021-22. On Jan. 11, Mr. Cairo called on Mr. Santos to resign and announced that he had returned his donations. “We trusted him,” said Mr. Cairo. “And shame on us for doing that.”
The Santos scandal isn’t an isolated instance of negligent vetting. It is the product of the machine’s toxic combination of illicit tactics to shut down primary competition and a pay-to-play culture. Until this racket is broken and power is given back to the voters of Nassau County, expect more betrayals of the public trust. Not that they will be as headline-grabbing or match the cartoonish magnitude of George Santos’s reputed con. His story is singularly egregious but it comes as no surprise that it happened in one of the most corrupt counties in America.
Mr. Scaturro is a former Republican counsel to the Senate Judiciary Committee and House Select Investigative Panel on Infant Lives.